FactCheck

Players Guide 2026

Every election cycle since 2010, we have published profiles of some of the many outside groups trying to influence who gets elected to Congress and the White House. Today, we’re launching our latest Players Guide with write-ups of eight of the biggest spenders so far for the 2026 midterms.

Photo by Oleksandr / stock.adobe.com

Each profile has information about the individuals who run the group, the people funding the group, the group’s political leanings and motivations, and how the group is spending the millions it has raised. If the group has been around for a while, we note its spending during the prior election cycle for comparison.

During the last midterm cycle, outside groups collectively spent $2 billion on independent expenditures, which are advertisements and other communications that expressly advocate for or against candidates for office, according to OpenSecrets, a nonprofit that tracks money in politics. The total was double that amount for the 2024 presidential cycle.

The eight groups we’re starting with this time include the Senate Majority PAC, which is trying to help Democrats retake control of the Senate, and the Congressional Leadership Fund, which is working to keep Republicans running the House of Representatives. We also highlighted Fairshake, a pro-cryptocurrency super PAC that backs or opposes candidates based on whether they appear to be for or against policies favorable to the digital currency industry.

Come back throughout the general election for details about other key players, as we’ll be publishing more profiles over the next three months. Some of the featured groups will be ones we’ve written about before — because they continue to spend large amounts of money — but we’ll be writing about a few of the newly formed groups as well.

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Senate Leadership Fund

Political leanings: Conservative/Republican

2024 total spending: $296.6 million

The Senate Leadership Fund, or SLF PAC, is a Republican super PAC that was established in 2015 by allies of Sen. Mitch McConnell, who was Senate majority leader at the time.

The group, now connected to Republican Senate Majority Leader John Thune, says its mission is to “support strong Republican candidates in competitive states, leveraging best-in-class campaign tactics and standards to aggressively counter the Democratic machine.” It is “solely dedicated” to “protecting and expanding the Republican Senate Majority.” Its executive director is Alex Latcham, a former deputy assistant to President Donald Trump and former director of the White House Office of Public Liaison.

As a super PAC, SLF PAC can accept unlimited contributions, but it must disclose its donors and cannot coordinate its spending with candidate campaigns.

In early April, the group revealed to the New York Times that in order to maintain GOP control of the Senate, it plans to spend around $350 million in 2026 on television, digital and streaming ads, as well as mail and other operations to influence voter turnout. The Times reported that the super PAC is prioritizing defending five Republican-held seats by spending $79 million in Ohio, $71 million in North Carolina, $42 million in Maine, $29 million in Iowa and $15 million in Alaska. In addition, the group is looking to flip three Democratic seats by spending $45 million in Michigan, $44 million in Georgia and $17 million in New Hampshire.

Ads in those races are set to start airing in September, the Times said. Democrats need to gain a net of four seats to regain the majority in the Senate (including the two independent senators who caucus with the Democrats).

As of June 30, the Senate Leadership Fund had raised a total of $253.7 million for the 2026 midterms, according to its most recent quarterly financial report to the Federal Election Commission. At that point, it still had $238.6 million in cash on hand more than double the amount it had at the same point in 2024, according to a press release.

Some of SLF PAC’s largest individual donors for this election cycle include Miriam Adelson, a physician and businesswoman; Paul Elliott Singer, a hedge fund manager; and Elon Musk, the wealthiest person in the world. It has also received at least $46 million, so far, from an affiliated nonprofit, One Nation, a so-called “dark money” group that, as a registered 501(c)(4) organization, does not have to disclose its donors. One Nation is led by Steven Law, who headed the Senate Leadership Fund until he stepped down in 2024.

During the 2024 election cycle, SLF PAC spent $211 million on independent expenditures — the third most of any super PAC (only exceeded by Make America Great Again Inc. and WinSenate PAC), according to an analysis of campaign finance data by OpenSecrets. The FEC defines independent expenditures as spending on communications that “expressly advocate” for the election or defeat of a specific candidate.

OpenSecrets said roughly 71% of that money was spent backing candidates who won their races or opposing candidates who lost. About 30% of SLF PAC’s independent expenditure dollars in 2024 were spent opposing the reelection of then-Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio, a Democrat, and supporting his Republican challenger, Bernie Moreno. Brown had been a three-term senator before being ousted by Moreno.

SLP PAC is planning to spend big in Ohio again in 2026, as Brown is now challenging Republican Sen. Jon Husted, who was appointed to fill the seat vacated in early 2025 by Vice President JD Vance.

FactCheck.org Undergraduate Fellow Christine Sung contributed to this article.

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Senate Majority PAC

Political leanings: Democratic

2024 total spending: $391.2 million

Senate Majority PAC, formally known as SMP, is a super PAC that describes its “one mission” as helping Democrats “win Senate races.”

It’s headed by J.B. Poersch, a former executive director of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee. Poersch was named the super PAC’s president in early 2017. Other senior staff include Amanda Ach, digital director, and Lauren French, communications director. Ach previously worked for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, and French was recently a senior adviser at the State Department during the Biden administration.

As a super PAC, Senate Majority PAC is allowed to raise and spend unlimited amounts of money, but it must report expenditures and all donations of more than $200 to the Federal Election Commission. The group cannot make contributions to candidate committees and cannot coordinate independent expenditures with candidate campaigns.

In a July 10 press release, SMP announced that along with Majority Forward, an affiliated nonprofit group, it raised $147 million in the second quarter of 2026, “their best second-quarter fundraising ever.” The groups have now collected a combined $326 million since the beginning of the election cycle, and SMP had about $126 million in cash on hand at the end of June, the press release said.

Unlike SMP, which files quarterly financial reports with the FEC, Majority Forward, a 501(c)(4) organization, is only required to file an annual report with the IRS at the end of the group’s fiscal year. We don’t know who is donating to Majority Forward because the group is not required to disclose its donors. However, according to FEC data through March, Senate Majority PAC’s largest contributors include Majority Forward, the George Soros-funded Democracy PAC and retired media executive Fred Eychaner.

SMP previously announced that it would run eight-figure TV and digital ad campaigns in the fall supporting or opposing Senate candidates in Alaska, Georgia, Iowa, Maine, Michigan, New Hampshire, North Carolina and Ohio. We’ve already written about two of Majority Forward’s TV ads that attack the incumbent in Maine, Republican Sen. Susan Collins.

During the 2024 elections, SMP spent about $391.2 million and more than $325 million of that was contributed to other political committees, including WinSenate PAC, an affiliated super PAC that also worked to elect Democrats to the Senate.

Senior Writer D’Angelo Gore contributed to this article.

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United Democracy Project

Political leanings: Pro-Israel

2024 Spending: $61.4 million

United Democracy Project is a nonpartisan super PAC created to advocate for political organizations and candidates that support the United States’ partnership with Israel. The super PAC “works to help elect candidates that share our vision and will be strong supporters of the U.S.-Israel relationship in Congress,” according to its website.

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a lobbying group established in the 1950s, historically refused to contribute funds to individual candidates’ campaigns. However, AIPAC announced its plans to launch a political action committee, or PAC, and a super PAC ahead of the 2022 election cycle in December 2021.

AIPAC PAC, which was created on Dec. 15, 2021, has become the biggest pro-Israel PAC in the U.S., ahead of the Joint Action Committee for Public Affairs and JStreetPAC. United Democracy Project, AIPAC’s super PAC, was established on Jan. 3, 2022.

As a political action committee, AIPAC PAC is limited to donating no more than $5,000 per election to a candidate’s campaign committee, according to federal contribution limits for the 2026 elections. As a super PAC, United Democracy Project cannot donate to candidates directly, but it can raise and spend unlimited amounts of money expressly advocating for or against federal candidates — spending that the Federal Election Commission defines as “independent expenditures.” Both the PAC and super PAC are required to disclose their donors in reports to the FEC.

Through June, United Democracy Project raised about $104 million during the 2026 cycle, according to FEC records. That’s already more than the $87.1 million it collected during the 2024 cycle, in which it spent around $61.4 million, including $34.8 million on independent expenditures promoting or opposing Democratic House candidates.

The super PAC’s largest contributors for 2026 include Paul Singer, the founder and co-CEO of Elliott Management; portfolio manager Blair Frank; businessman Marc Rowan; and media proprietor and investor Haim Saban. It has spent about $52.5 million, and, as of June 30, more than $27.9 million of it was on independent expenditures.

United Democracy Project has focused heavily on House primary races, spending about $5 million supporting Melissa Conyears-Ervin, who lost the Democratic primary in Illinois’ 7th Congressional District seat on March 17; more than $1 million supporting Adrian Boafo, who won the Democratic primary in Maryland’s 5th District on June 23; and over $3 million opposing Rep. Thomas Massie in the Republican primary in Kentucky’s 4th District, which he lost to Ed Gallrein on May 19. The super PAC also spent nearly $500,000 supporting Gallrein.

Massie’s and Gallrein’s primary was the most expensive House primary in history, according to Politico, which reported that over $9 million was spent by pro-Israel interest groups alone. In the article, United Democracy Project spokesperson Patrick Dorton was quoted as calling Massie “the most anti-Israel Republican in the House.”

The super PAC also spent over $2 million opposing Tom Malinowski, who lost a special Democratic primary in New Jersey’s 11th District on Feb. 5. United Democracy Project’s involvement in the primary, which was won by progressive candidate Analilia Mejia, frustrated many centrist Democrats, Politico reported.

On June 23, Politico reported that, to hide its involvement in certain races, “United Democracy Project has shielded more than 40 percent of the money it has spent across primaries in both parties so far for the 2026 cycle through pop-up and pass-through PACs,” according to the publication’s analysis.

FactCheck.org Undergraduate Fellow James Constan contributed to this article. 

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Fairshake

Political leanings: Pro-cryptocurrency

2024 Spending: $195.8 million

Fairshake, its website says, is a super PAC that “supports candidates committed to securing the United States as the home to innovators building the next generation of the internet.” Generally, it supports politicians who back policies favorable to the cryptocurrency industry.

The group registered with the Federal Election Commission in 2023, and it is financially supported by some of the most influential companies and executives in the digital currency sector.

FEC records identify Brandon Philipczyk as Fairshake’s treasurer and Josh Vlasto is the group’s spokesman. Philipczyk has worked on various campaigns for Democratic candidates, including former President Barack Obama’s 2012 reelection campaign and Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign for president. Vlasto previously served as press secretary for Sen. Chuck Schumer and former New York Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, both Democrats.

As a super PAC, Fairshake can receive unlimited financial contributions from donors, who must be disclosed periodically in reports to the FEC. As of June 30, it had received almost $137 million in the 2026 election cycle and still had about $127 million on hand, according to its latest FEC filing in July.

Its largest contributors include Coinbase, a company that operates a cryptocurrency exchange; Ripple Labs, which specializes in a blockchain technology used to make digital payments; and AH Capital Management, also known as Andreessen Horowitz, or a16z, a venture capital firm. Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz, the co-founders of Andreessen Horowitz, remain two of the super PAC’s biggest individual donors.

The super PAC has already spent roughly $13.3 million this election cycle on independent expenditures, which are advertisements and other communications that expressly advocate for or against candidates for office. In February and March, it opposed a trio of Illinois Democrats in congressional primary races, including the state Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton, who won the Democratic nomination in the Illinois Senate race; state Rep. La Shawn Ford, who won the Democratic nomination for the state’s 7th Congressional District seat; and state Sen. Robert Peters, who failed to win the Democratic nomination for the state’s 2nd District seat.

Last year, Ford and Peters voted for a 2025 state law that put in place new rules for the digital assets industry. Meanwhile, one of Stratton’s primary opponents, Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, may have been seen as more of an industry ally, since he had cast votes for federal legislation described as “very pro-crypto” by a nonprofit called the Stand With Crypto Alliance.

For the 2026 midterms, Fairshake has also contributed at least $51 million to two affiliated super PACs, Defend American Jobs and Protect Progress, which have spent tens of millions of dollars supporting certain House and Senate candidates.

During the 2024 elections, Fairshake spent about $195.8 million in total. It donated more than $86 million to Defend American Jobs and Protect Progress. It also put nearly $40.7 million into independent expenditures supporting or opposing candidates. According to the website OpenSecrets, which tracks campaign spending, Fairshake spent about $14 million for Democrats, about $13.5 million against Democrats and roughly $13.1 million for Republicans.

FactCheck.org Undergraduate Fellow Angela Lin contributed to this article.

Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 

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House Majority PAC

Political leanings: Democratic

2024 total spending: $256 million

The House Majority PAC, or HMP, as it is formally known, was created in April 2011 by Alixandria Lapp, a former Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee official. It was one of several political action committees formed by Democrats in response to the heavy spending by conservative organizations in the 2010 midterm elections, when Republicans won the House.

House Majority PAC says it is “solely focused on electing House Democrats, including protecting our most vulnerable incumbents and boosting our most promising challenger and open seat candidates.” Abby Curran Horrell, a former chief of staff for Rep. Ann McLane Kuster, became HMP’s executive director in April 2019. Mike Smith, a veteran political strategist, has been its president since January 2023, after Lapp stepped down. 

As a Carey committee, also called a hybrid PAC, the House Majority PAC can act as both a traditional PAC, giving money directly to candidates’ committees, and a super PAC, making independent expenditures not coordinated with candidates and accepting donations of any size from individuals, labor unions and corporations. It must disclose those donations and expenditures in reports to the Federal Election Commission.

HMP reported receiving roughly $123.6 million for the 2026 election cycle as of June 30. A significant portion of that money came from House Majority Forward, an affiliated nonprofit organization that says it’s focused on “promoting economic growth and opportunity, social justice, environmental stewardship, and democracy.” Other large donors to the PAC include Connie Ballmer, co-founder of investment company the Ballmer Group; George M. Marcus, the billionaire founder of the Marcus & Millichap real estate firm; and philanthropist and retired media owner Fred Eychaner, who is a Democratic megadonor.

HMP has said it may spend more than it has raised thus far, as it has placed nearly $284 million in TV and digital ad reservations for the 2026 midterms in about 70 media markets, according to a June announcement. “Nearly 80% of these reservations are in offensive districts—underscoring HMP’s commitment to aggressively expanding the House battlefield and putting more seats in play than ever before,” the PAC said in a press release.

FEC records show HMP already spent about $961,000 in the fall of 2025 trying to influence the special election in Tennessee’s 7th Congressional District. But Republican Matthew Van Epps, a military veteran, ended up defeating Democratic state Rep. Aftyn Behn.

In the 2024 election cycle, HMP raised about $260.5 million and spent the vast majority — $195.7 million — on independent expenditures, which are advertisements that expressly advocate for the election or defeat of a federal candidate. The PAC also contributed $530,625 directly to federal candidates.

Senior Writer D’Angelo Gore contributed to this article.

Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 

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Congressional Leadership Fund

Political leanings: Republican

2024 total spending: $242.6 million

The Congressional Leadership Fund’s purpose is to maintain and expand the slim Republican majority in the House of Representatives. The group was formed in October 2011 as the conservative counter to the liberal House Majority PAC and is endorsed by House Republican leadership.

CLF is what’s known as a hybrid PAC or Carey committee, meaning it “has the ability to operate both as a traditional PAC, contributing funds to a candidate’s committee, and as a super PAC, which makes independent expenditures,” according to OpenSecrets, a nonpartisan organization that tracks money in politics. Such organizations must have separate bank accounts for those purposes.

Chris Winkelman is the CLF’s president, as well as the president of its sister 501(c)(4), the American Action Network. Winkelman is a lawyer who previously served as general counsel for the National Republican Congressional Committee and was the NRCC’s executive director during the 2024 election cycle.

As of June 30, the CLF had raised more than $163 million in the 2026 election cycle and had almost $142 million in cash-on-hand, Federal Election Commission records show. “This is the highest cash-on-hand ever recorded at this point in the cycle for CLF,” the PAC said in a July 15 press release.

At least $44 million of the money it has received for 2026 came from the American Action Network. Meanwhile, major individual donors include Miriam Adelson, a physician and businesswoman; Elon Musk, the CEO of Tesla and SpaceX; Kenneth Griffin, the CEO of the investment firm Citadel; Paul Singer, founder of the hedge fund Elliott Investment Management; and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick. 

As of June 24, the CLF had announced $175 million in ad reservations for the fall. It said the campaign will span 41 local markets across the country and include ads airing on broadcast, cable, streaming and digital platforms.

The PAC already spent more than $219,000 on direct mail or text messages trying to ensure that Republican Rep. David Valadao keeps his seat in California’s 22nd Congressional District, which was redrawn to favor Democrats after California voters approved Proposition 50 in November. Valadao and Randy Villegas, a progressive Democrat, were the top two vote-getters in the June 2 primary and will face each other in the general election.

Democrats need to gain a net of at least three seats to win a majority in the House.

The CLF spent more than $7 million helping Valadao hold on to his seat in 2024, when he was facing Democrat Rudy Salas, who lost. In total, the PAC spent about $217 million that election cycle on independent expenditures advocating for or against congressional candidates.

Senior Writer D’Angelo Gore contributed to this article.

Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 

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Restoration of America PAC

Political leanings: Conservative

2024 total spending: $91.3 million

Restoration of America PAC, previously known as Restoration PAC, was founded in January 2015 as a super PAC. 

According to its website, Restoration of America is an “umbrella name for a family of conservative organizations” that will “defend our nation by electing like-minded leaders and by creating organizations and campaigns that promote fully transparent elections, economic freedom, limited government, military superiority, secure borders, rule of law, and the sanctity of life.” Besides the super PAC, the collective includes two 501(c)(4) social welfare organizations, Restoration of America and Voter Reference Foundation, and a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, Restoration of America Foundation.

The super PAC describes itself as a committee that helps conservative candidates “win the toughest battles in America,” and says its advertisements spread the message of “restoring America’s greatness” and “defeating the woke Left.” 

Doug Truax is the Founder and CEO of the Restoration of America political organization and its super PAC. Truax is a graduate of West Point and an Army veteran. In 2014, he ran in the Republican primary for the U.S. Senate seat for Illinois, but lost to then state Sen. Jim Oberweis, who was defeated by Democratic Sen. Dick Durbin in the general election.

As a super PAC, Restoration of America PAC can receive unlimited contributions from individuals, corporations, political action committees and other sources. It’s also required to periodically report those donations to the Federal Election Commission.  

In the 2024 election cycle, it raised and spent more than $91 million, including nearly $43 million on independent expenditures, which are communications, such as TV or newspaper ads, that expressly advocate for or against candidates. The majority of its independent-expenditure spending – more than $34 million – was against then-Vice President Kamala Harris, a Democrat, who was campaigning to become president.

Richard Uihlein, the billionaire CEO of the shipping and industrial supplies company Uline, is the super PAC’s largest donor. FEC records show the Republican megadonor contributed more than $80 million to the super PAC for the 2024 cycle, and so far, he has already contributed over $ 57 million from January 2025 to June 2026. Restoration of America PAC reported receiving almost $60.8 million in total contributions as of June 30.

Much of its spending during the 2026 cycle has been contributions to other conservative groups, including American Principles Project PAC, Citizens for Free Enterprise and Americas PAC. But the super PAC did spend over $1.6 million on TV ads last fall, supporting Republican Nate Morris’ U.S. Senate candidacy in Kentucky. 

Morris later suspended his campaign in May — at President Donald Trump’s request — and endorsed Rep. Andy Barr for the Republican nomination in the Senate race. Trump then nominated Morris in July to serve as the U.S. ambassador to Colombia.

FactCheck.org Undergraduate Fellow Justine Weng contributed to this article. 

Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 

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Democracy PAC/Democracy PAC II

Political leanings: Democratic

2024 spending: $82 million, combined

Democracy PAC and Democracy PAC II are liberal super PACs created by billionaire George Soros to fund political organizations that help elect Democrats.

Michael Vachon, who has been an adviser, spokesperson and chief of staff for Soros, is the treasurer of Democracy PAC, which was created in January 2019, and Democracy PAC II, which was formed in July 2021. As super PACs, both can accept unlimited donations.

Since it launched, Democracy PAC has been solely funded by Soros or companies or organizations he created. As of June 30, the super PAC had received more than $102 million for the 2026 election cycle, according to its most recent financial report to the Federal Election Commission. About half of its money came from Geosor Corp., a private investment company that Soros has long owned. The other half came from the Fund for Policy Reform, a nonprofit that Soros founded as part of his Open Society Foundations, which describes itself as “the world’s largest private funder of independent groups working for rights, equity, and justice.”

The board chairman of the Open Society Foundations is Alex Soros, one of George’s sons, who was chosen by his father in 2023 to take over his philanthropic and political operations. The New York Post reported in June that the Soros network was on pace to surpass its previous donation record of $128 million during the 2022 election cycle.

In the 2026 cycle, Democracy PAC, according to FEC records, has so far used more than $40 million of its funding to make large contributions to other Democratic-aligned groups, including Senate Majority PAC, Strategic Victory Fund IE PAC, J Street Action Fund and AB PAC, which is also known as American Bridge 21st Century. Democracy PAC has also contributed millions to several committees working to elect Democrats at the state level.

Meanwhile, Democracy PAC II had both received and donated about $1.6 million as of the end of June, FEC records show. But it had more than $121 million cash on hand, money left over from a $175 million donation that George Soros made to his secondary super PAC during the 2022 election cycle.

During the 2024 election cycle, Democracy PAC gave more than $67 million to other groups, and Democracy PAC II distributed an additional $9.6 million.

Senior Writer D’Angelo Gore contributed to this article. 

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Oz’s Medicaid Fraud Claims About California and Minnesota Lack Context

Announcing a pause on more than $1 billion in Medicaid funding to Minnesota and California last month, Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services Administrator Dr. Mehmet Oz accused state officials of being too lax about fraud, citing among other things the results of a provider verification process in Minnesota and the rapid growth of a California home care program. But he left out important context in both cases.

Oz speaks ahead of Vice President JD Vance on July 8 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Photo by Scott Olson/Getty Images.

Oz said at the July 21 press conference that Minnesota disenrolled 3,000 healthcare providers “who historically could send bills willy-nilly,” calling into question whether their previous claims were legitimate. Many of those providers, however, have said they were disenrolled in error as the state rushed to meet a federally imposed deadline. Most providers have appealed, and hundreds have been reinstated. The agency that runs Minnesota’s Medicaid program has said the verification process “was not a fraud determination.” 

Oz also claimed spending on a California Medicaid program that provides in-home care to seniors and people with disabilities is growing at a rate that “doesn’t make sense.” State officials and California policy experts say there are other reasons for that growth, including an aging population, minimum-wage increases and policies meant to keep more people out of nursing homes.

Last month’s announcement, at which Oz was joined by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and other federal officials, was the latest salvo in the Trump administration’s ongoing efforts to pressure states over what it says is widespread fraud in Medicaid. The public insurance program, jointly funded by the federal government and the states, provides health coverage to more than 66 million low-income people.

Minnesota and California, both of which are run by Democratic governors, have become a particular focus of that effort. Earlier this year, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services paused $351 million in federal Medicaid reimbursements to Minnesota and $1.3 billion in reimbursements to California, which officials said was the largest deferral in CMS’ history. Those are in addition to the $1 billion in deferrals announced in July.

More broadly, the administration has sought to make fraud in federal programs a central issue, appointing Vice President JD Vance to lead a White House task force on fraud and framing cuts to healthcare programs in last year’s budget reconciliation bill in terms of “eliminating waste, fraud, and abuse.”

Fraud exists in Medicaid, as it does in Medicare and other federal health programs, though experts say it’s hard to put a precise number on it. The latest government estimates suggest that “improper payments” as a whole account for about 6% of Medicaid spending, though CMS itself has said much of that involves documentation issues or administrative errors unrelated to fraud.

During the press conference on July 21, Oz said CMS’ reviews of Medicaid spending in Minnesota and California had identified statistical “outliers” and “anomalies” that the states had not accounted for, but he did not present evidence of widespread fraud.

Those reviews “turned up the same, recurring theme again and again, every single quarter,” he said. “Claims in these same high-risk categories that the states have not yet been able to document fully and acceptably to the federal government, claims that are unresolved and claims that smell like fraud. And if it smells like fraud, we’re not paying for it anymore.”

A spokesperson for the Minnesota Department of Human Services disputed Oz’s characterization of the state’s revalidation process, noting that only a few hundred providers have actually been terminated to date because most others appealed, and said CMS has given the state few details about other spending it flagged as questionable. 

“[W]e firmly believe that the actions we have taken — and will continue to take — are tangible measures that will help ensure program integrity while keeping Minnesotans who rely on these programs at the forefront,” the spokesperson told us in an email.

Anthony Cava, a spokesperson for the California Department of Health Care Services, said federal officials are “penalizing California for responsible, federally encouraged growth in home‑based care, which saves taxpayers approximately $100,000 per person annually by keeping people safely at home rather than in institutions.”

We asked CMS and HHS several questions about the evidence behind Oz’s claims, but have not received a response to our queries. Here’s a closer look at some of those claims, as well as what we know about fraud in Medicaid generally.

Provider Disenrollment Not the Whole Story in Minnesota

Oz, in the July 21 press conference, said the majority of the $199 million that CMS deferred from Minnesota last month was tied to claims by thousands of providers that were later disenrolled when the state sought to check their credentials.

“Minnesota, in particular, was asked to audit all the people providing services in these high [fraud] risk areas,” Oz said. “And Minnesota itself disenrolled roughly 3,000 providers — 3,000 providers who historically could send bills willy-nilly and be fine. They themselves have disenrolled them for failed background checks, failed site visits and other issues. 

“This raises questions about the claims tied to these same providers in the quarter before they were removed. … We looked back to see how much they billed us last quarter, and unfortunately it was a lot.”

There have been valid concerns about fraud in certain Medicaid programs in Minnesota, and it’s true that the state recently informed thousands of businesses and nonprofits that they would be terminated from Medicaid because they failed to complete a revalidation process. But there’s a lot more to the story than Oz revealed at the press conference.

Earlier this year, Minnesota agreed to a series of anti-fraud measures after federal officials threatened to withhold an additional $2 billion in annual Medicaid funding. One of those steps was to revalidate more than 5,000 providers in more than a dozen service areas that a state auditor had deemed especially vulnerable to fraud, including certain autism, mental health and disability services.

State officials told the Minnesota Star Tribune that they faced immense pressure from the federal government to complete that process in a matter of months, ahead of a May 31 deadline, even though reviewing paperwork and conducting site visits for that many providers would normally take years. The state subsequently notified 3,411 providers that they would be terminated from Medicaid because they had not met the requirements in time. 

The move caused an outcry among providers, many of whom described a rushed and error-prone process in interviews with local news outlets. Some said they submitted the necessary documents, but the state never got around to reviewing their paperwork or conducting a site visit before terminating them. 

More than 2,700 of those providers have since appealed, and 748 of them had been revalidated as of July 23, according to a spokesperson for the Minnesota Department of Human Services. Those with pending appeals have been allowed to continue billing Medicaid. 

That means just 550 providers had actually been disenrolled as of July 23. The spokesperson said that includes 426 providers that did not appeal and 124 that were terminated for other reasons, including changes in ownership, expired licenses or exiting the program voluntarily.

The Department of Human Services has also been clear that a provider being disenrolled, in itself, is not a determination they were involved in fraud. Almost three-quarters of the initial 3,411 disenrollments were due to incomplete or inaccurate paperwork, with most others due to “failed site visits.” Only two failed background checks. 

The department says only 59 of the more than 5,000 entities reviewed were flagged for further investigation, due to issues like not disclosing people with an ownership stake or misrepresenting who worked at the business. 

We asked CMS whether it has other reasons to doubt those 3,411 providers’ past claims, but did not get a response. 

Oz said CMS also used “fraud detection analytics” to flag hundreds of providers that were “of a character that historically defrauded the government,” which accounts for another $42 million or so of the deferral. Around $3 million more, he said, is tied to “specific documentation gaps,” such as allegedly billing for services provided after a beneficiary’s death. 

CMS did not respond to our questions about those statements, either. The Department of Human Services spokesperson said CMS has not explained to state officials how it came up with those figures.

“As of this writing, CMS has not shared analytics it uses to identify billing patterns or any specific concerns it has related to issues of fraud, waste, or abuse,” the spokesperson told us in an Aug. 4 email. 

Analysts Say Policy, Demographic Changes Driving California’s Home Care Spending

As for California, Oz said about three-quarters of the $867 million being deferred is tied to the state’s In-Home Supportive Services program. 

IHSS covers in-home assistance, including help with bathing, dressing and other personal care, for older adults and people with disabilities who might otherwise require care in a nursing home or other facility. Every state Medicaid program offers something similar, in order to allow more people to stay in their homes while reducing the need for more costly institutional care.

At the July press conference, Oz suggested California’s home care program is growing at a suspiciously fast rate. That alone accounted for $391 million of the deferred funds, he said. 

“Over the past two federal fiscal years, California’s spending in this program — this is a critical statistic — comparing state to state, California’s spending in these in-home programs went up 24%,” he said. “The rest of the country’s average is about 12%. So California increased spending at twice the rate of the average of the rest of the entire nation. That doesn’t make sense.”

Oz said CMS deferred an additional $250 million after flagging certain IHSS providers as “high risk” based on billing patterns, and another $5 million or so tied to other red flags, mainly IHSS providers who allegedly billed for home-care services when their patients were in the hospital.

This isn’t the first time Oz has singled out the state’s IHSS program. Announcing a previous funding deferral during a press conference at the White House in May, Oz also brought up the growth of California’s program.

“People in New Mexico, which is a blue state, are paying extra taxes so that California can get away with something that they can’t defend,” he said. 

There have been documented cases of fraud in the IHSS program, but they represent a small fraction of the program’s total budget. 

In the 2023-2024 state fiscal year, for instance, counties referred a total of $3.1 million for administrative action or prosecution after investigating complaints of fraud, according to the California Department of Social Services’ most recent program integrity report. (Counties help administer the program in California.) Total spending on IHSS that year topped $22 billion.

Jason Montiel, a spokesperson for the department, told us that counties received about 7,000 complaints of potential fraud that year and referred a little over half of them for revenue recovery. “For context, statewide, there are currently over 850,000 IHSS service recipients and over 765,000 IHSS providers,” he told us in an email.

California’s Department of Health Care Services referred 15 credible allegations of fraud involving IHSS to state prosecutors in state fiscal year 2024-25 and 12 in 2025-26, California State Medicaid Director Tyler Sadwith wrote in a Feb. 17 letter to CMS officials. 

Sadwith wrote that such cases can include caregivers billing for services at times their patients were in a hospital or other institution and “check splitting involving collusion between IHSS provider and beneficiary/member.” IHSS cases “generally involve lower dollar amounts” relative to other types of Medicaid fraud investigations, he added, “with typical suspected fraudulent amounts averaging around $30,000 per investigation.”

Some IHSS caregivers in California have indeed been prosecuted for allegedly claiming to have provided services to patients who were hospitalized, incarcerated or out of the country. The U.S. Department of Justice has included a handful of such cases, all brought by state prosecutors, in annual news releases touting healthcare fraud “takedowns” over the past three years.

But California state officials, as well as policy experts we spoke to, rejected the idea that fraud is widespread in IHSS or the reason for the program’s recent growth. 

We asked CMS for the source of Oz’s statistic about home care spending growth in California relative to other states, and we haven’t received a response. Still, he’s generally correct that spending has increased. The program is expected to cost around $33 billion in the 2026-27 fiscal year, a 10% increase from the prior year, according to the California Legislative Analyst’s Office.

A recent analysis from that office — which is a nonpartisan body advising the state Legislature — identifies three main drivers of rising costs. First, more people qualify for the program due to the state’s aging population, an increase in the share of Californians that have a disability and policy changes that have expanded eligibility. Second, the average recipient is also receiving more hours of care. Finally, the cost per hour of care has also gone up, driven in part by increases in the state minimum wage. 

California Medicaid officials have cited those factors in responding to questions about the program’s growth from CMS. 

“Caseload increases reflect California’s Medicaid expansion and its aging population,” Sadwith, the state Medicaid director, wrote in the Feb. 17 letter to CMS. “Higher approved service hours correspond to increased acuity and functional need. Rising expenditures also reflect legislatively mandated minimum wage increases, which have helped to recruit and maintain the workforce necessary to meet CMS’s and California’s longstanding goals of transitioning toward home and community.”

Sadwith added that California has sought to broaden access to in-home care as part of a strategy to reduce the number of people in nursing homes — a longstanding goal of federal Medicaid policy, because it both saves money and allows more people to age at home, which most want. He cited data from the nonpartisan health policy research group KFF showing that 96% of California’s Medicaid spending on long-term care in federal fiscal year 2024 went to home and personal care rather than institutional care, compared to 69% nationally.

“CMS highlights the increase in IHSS expenditures … as a cause for concern, suggesting this figure signals excess or abuse,” he wrote. “In reality, it reflects the expansion of access to services that CMS itself has encouraged states to pursue for decades.” 

Two outside policy experts who follow Medi-Cal, as it’s called in the state, similarly told us that state-level policy changes, demographics and other factors likely explain the growth.

“We’ve changed, for example, asset limits in terms of being eligible for these types of services,” said Shannon McConville, a senior fellow with the Public Policy Institute of California. “There’s also been some expansions in the program in terms of immigration status.”

(Federal Medicaid dollars can’t be spent on care for immigrants living in the country illegally, as well as some immigrants with legal status, other than emergency care; California has used its own funds to expand coverage to those groups.)

“I have not seen any evidence that indicates fraud as a driver of these spending trends,” Laurel Lucia, the deputy executive director of programs at the University of California Berkeley Labor Center, which has published research on IHSS, told us by email.

Rather, she said, “IHSS spending has grown rapidly in recent years due to the increased need for home care among seniors and individuals with disabilities, and increased home care worker wages.”

Lucia noted that the average hourly wage for IHSS providers rose more than 50% between 2018 and 2024. “This growth largely mirrored the growth in the statewide minimum wage, a unique factor given that California has one of the highest state minimum wages in the country,” she said.

California’s minimum wage rose from $10.50 or $11 per hour (depending on employer size) in 2018 to $16 per hour in 2024. A law mandating higher minimum wages for certain healthcare workers, including employees of licensed home healthcare agencies, took effect in late 2024.

Those higher wages reduce turnover among caregivers, “which is critical to continuity of care for the seniors and people with disabilities who rely on IHSS,” she added.

We asked CMS what evidence it has that fraud is driving increased spending on home care in California and why it rejected state officials’ explanation for that growth, but have not gotten a response.

Andy Schneider, a research professor of the practice at Georgetown University, told us it’s not unreasonable for an administration to say home care in general could pose some “unique program integrity risks” and work with states on better anti-fraud measures. For instance, it may be easier for dishonest providers to submit false timesheets for care that takes place outside a hospital or other institution; a number of such cases are prosecuted every year in states across the country.

But that doesn’t prove that fraud accounts for a major share of program spending.

“CMS asked in January for a lot of information, and I think they got it in this [Feb. 17] letter [from state officials], and they evidently don’t agree with the answer,” said Schneider, who served as a senior adviser to CMS under former President Barack Obama. “But it’s not clear to me what more California can tell them. And there’s no regulatory prohibition against spending more money, at a faster rate, than other states on a particular service, if you’ve made it a policy decision that you want to make it possible for as many people with disabilities and as many elderly people who want to stay out of institutions to do so.”

Estimates of Medicaid Fraud Are Murky

As for fraud in Medicaid overall, some degree of it clearly exists, as it does in other government programs. But there’s “no comprehensive or reliable measure” of its prevalence, as analysts with KFF put it last year. 

“Measuring fraud is difficult, in part, because it can only be determined with certainty after the fact and if it is identified,” they wrote. 

The federal government does estimate the rate of “improper payments” for certain programs, including Medicaid. The most recent estimate for Medicaid is 6.12%. But that’s not an estimate of fraud. 

While improper payments can include fraud, they also include incorrect payments due to administrative errors and payments that weren’t properly documented. According to CMS, 77% of improper payments in fiscal year 2025 stemmed from insufficient documentation, “which is generally not indicative of fraud or abuse.” 

The federal government also compiles reports on fraud prosecutions. In fiscal year 2025, state Medicaid Fraud Control Units reported recovering a total of $2 billion from civil and criminal cases involving either fraud or abuse and neglect. (For context, combined state and federal Medicaid spending is more than $900 billion per year.) Separately, federal agencies recovered $3.4 billion from fraud cases involving Medicaid, Medicare and other healthcare programs in fiscal year 2023, the most recent for which data are available.

Of course, that counts only cases that prosecutors know about and think they can prove in court, so it’s likely an underestimate.

“I can’t give you a quantitative answer” about the extent of fraud in Medicaid, Schneider told us. “I don’t think anybody can.” 

One thing we can glean from those reports is that most documented Medicaid fraud is committed by providers — for instance, billing for nonexistent or unnecessary services — and not by beneficiaries, as Schneider wrote in an analysis for the Georgetown Center for Children and Families last year. Fraud by beneficiaries, he wrote, accounts for a “negligible” portion of both convictions and recovered funds reported by state fraud-control units. 

States and the federal government share responsibility for policing fraud, and ensuring program integrity more broadly, with CMS and other federal agencies overseeing states’ administration of the program. 

As part of its routine oversight, CMS reviews states’ expenditures and claims for federal reimbursement every quarter. In a program as large and complex as Medicaid, Schneider said it’s normal to have disputes over which claims are allowable or how much the federal government owes. In those cases, CMS will often defer payment until state and federal officials sort out the issue. 

But Schneider said the Trump administration is using the deferral process in unprecedented ways.

“You don’t see the agency holding a press conference with the vice president in the White House to announce a large deferral — and in the case of the first California deferral, a historic deferral in size — against one or two particular states,” he said. “It’s just not the way CMS has interacted with states in the past. They’re trying to make the program work. It’s not a gotcha.”

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Trump Overstates Magnitude of Noncitizen Voting in New Jersey

New Jersey’s governor announced that “a software error” in the state’s motor vehicle registration system resulted in 6,600 noncitizens being improperly added to the state’s voter registration list. The state’s preliminary investigation found that up to 400 votes were cast by noncitizens, far fewer than the “thousands of votes” claimed by President Donald Trump.

Trump has seized on the incident as validation of his longtime but unsupported claims about massive numbers of noncitizens voting.

“Well, you saw what happened, they caught thousands of votes in New Jersey where illegal aliens were allowed to vote,” Trump said on July 22, a day after New Jersey Gov. Mikie Sherrill, a Democrat, made the announcement. “Thousands and thousands of votes. They voted in favor of the transgender mutilization of your children and in favor of — in favor of men playing in women’s sports. Isn’t that lovely? They voted against lower energy prices, lower car prices, and bigger paychecks for everyone. They voted against every one of these things.”

Trump again cited the New Jersey case during a speech on July 27 when making a push for the SAVE America Act, which includes a photo ID requirement for voting and proof of citizenship when registering to vote in federal elections. Election experts have said the bill’s specific requirements would make it difficult for some legitimate voters to cast a vote. (New Jersey does not require photo ID at polling places, in most cases, but some form of identification is required if a voter does not voter does not provide valid ID at the time of registration.) Despite the president’s advocacy, the SAVE America Act has stalled in the Senate.

“You read recently in New Jersey, where tremendous numbers of people were found out that they were on the voter rolls totally illegally, and that’s all over the country,” Trump said. “That’s nothing compared to what’s going on in California and Minnesota and so many other states.”

Trump’s claim about rampant noncitizen voting around the country is unsupported. As we have written, experts have found that voting in federal elections by noncitizens is relatively rare. The conservative Heritage Foundation’s election fraud database has documented a little over 100 cases of noncitizens who have been convicted of illegally voting or registering to vote since 1982. But let’s look at New Jersey, specifically, where Trump said “tremendous numbers” of noncitizens were found — “totally illegally” — on voter rolls.

The July 21 announcement by Sherrill represents a significant batch of noncitizen registration and voting. But the number of votes was too small to change the outcome of any federal election in New Jersey.

To put the numbers in some perspective, Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris beat Trump in New Jersey’s 2024 presidential race by more than 252,000 votes. Even if all 400 noncitizens voted one way — and Sherrill noted “they were registered as Democrats, Republicans, and the majority unaffiliated, and were scattered across the state” — it would not have been enough to swing the presidential election. “We have no evidence at this time that any elections were swayed,” Sherrill said.

Sherrill said that the noncitizens were inadvertently registered “through no fault of their own.”

We should note that Trump also called the noncitizens who voted in New Jersey “illegal aliens.” We don’t know the legal status of those who were improperly registered to vote, nor of those who voted. But about half of noncitizens living in the U.S. are estimated to be “unauthorized,” according to the Immigration Research Initiative. In other words, about half of noncitizens in the U.S. are lawful permanent residents (green card holders) or temporary legal visa holders, such as workers and students. In addition, “among people who are unauthorized are a very significant number who the government has given some protection from deportation,” the Immigration Research Initiative notes. For example, many have pending asylum cases or have been extended Temporary Protected Status or humanitarian parole.

How Noncitizens Got on Voter Rolls

In her press conference on July 21, Sherrill said that she recently discovered that between June 2023 and June 2024 “a serious software error” in the state’s motor vehicle registration system led to 6,600 noncitizens being put on the state’s voter rolls.

“When New Jerseyans applied for a driver’s license or identification at the MVC [Motor Vehicle Commission], they were asked if they wanted to register to vote,” Sherrill said. “In the case of this error, some individuals indicated that they weren’t citizens and weren’t eligible to vote, but the software registered them anyway.”

A voter casts their ballot at the Babbio Center on Nov. 5, 2024, in Hoboken, New Jersey. Photo by Kena Betancur/Getty Images.

The contractor, IDEMIA, based in France, said its software performed according to state specifications.

“All 6,600 individuals indicated ‘Yes’ to wanting to register to vote and ‘No’ to being a US Citizen,” Lisa Shoemaker, IDEMIA’s senior vice president of global corporate relations, said in a statement reported by Politico. “This information was recorded correctly and always available to the MVC via the database that MVC utilized to gather voter information and transmit to the Division of Elections. At no point was a noncitizen ever marked as a citizen in the database.”

Shoemaker said that in June 2024 the MVC told IDEMIA to change its software so that people who indicated they were not citizens were not given the option to register to vote.

Sherrill said the state is replacing the vendor. And she tapped an independent law firm, CSG Law, to investigate the issue. The state’s Division of Elections — now more than two years after the issue was discovered by the MVC — “is working to ensure anyone who is illegally registered is removed from the voter rolls.”

“This entire situation is unacceptable,” Sherrill said, placing blame on IDEMIA, which she said “released software with such a glaring error,” as well as the MVC because it “took a year to get this issue fixed.” She also blamed the previous administration of Democrat Phil Murphy. “It’s unacceptable that no one in the previous administration brought this to light, demanded accountability, or took action when it happened years ago,” Sherrill said.

Murphy’s spokesperson said Murphy had no knowledge of the issue until Sherrill announced it on July 21.

Sherrill said the incident does not substantiate the president’s longstanding, but unsupported claims about massive noncitizen voting.

“Let me be clear: Donald Trump has zero credibility on the issue of election integrity,” Sherrill said. “For the past 10 years, he’s cried wolf and peddled bizarre conspiracy theories about fraud with no evidence.”

David Becker, the executive director and founder of the Center for Election Innovation & Research, a nonpartisan nonprofit, agreed that the revelation about noncitizen voting in New Jersey is concerning, but he said it was important to contextualize it.

“You know, we’re going to hear from supporters of the president saying, ‘See, the Democrats said this never happened, and it happened.’ I don’t know anyone credible who says it’s never happened,” Becker said in a press conference on July 23. “It just happens exceedingly rarely, and there’s no evidence it’s changing any elections whatsoever.”

Said Becker: “6,600 records in New Jersey is 0.1% of the total active voter registration list. It’s not very much at all, and 400 voters … that is 0.009% of the total number of votes cast in 2024 in New Jersey in the November 2024 election.”

“There’s no evidence that this affected any election whatsoever,” Becker said. “It’s an incredibly small amount, and it’s also spread out amongst parties: Republicans, Democrats, no party. That was very clear from the press conference. This does not support President Trump’s claims about noncitizen voting. It largely does comport with his Department of Homeland Security’s conclusion that it’s extremely rare.”

Trump Says Number Registered Is Higher

Meanwhile, Trump said that the number of noncitizens registered to vote in New Jersey is much higher than the figure identified by Sherrill.

In a post on Truth Social after Sherrill’s announcement, Trump stated, “35,152 is the new number just released by Homeland Security of non-citizens registered to vote in New Jersey. These are just the ones that got caught. The real numbers will prove to be many times this amount.”

During his primetime address to the nation on July 16, Trump claimed that a Department of Homeland Security investigation “identified approximately 278,000 noncitizens who are registered to vote in federal elections.”

A DHS document released by the White House claimed that a review of “public data files” in four states that have refused to share the private voter data with the government — California, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Nevada — found over 250,000 noncitizens illegally registered to vote. According to a DHS press release issued on July 17, that included 35,152 in New Jersey.

Sherrill said the state received a letter from DHS about that claim.

“We have asked them for any evidence of this, where they got that number, who this is,” Sherrill said. “We’ve received nothing back yet.”

Sherrill said if DHS “provides us any credible information, we will of course investigate it as we do with every piece of information that we have.” But Sherrill said she thinks the figure is part of Trump’s “ongoing misinformation” about election fraud. Officials in California, Nevada and Pennsylvania also responded to the DHS letter demanding more transparency about how DHS derived its figures.

“That number has no credibility whatsoever until DHS shares their methodology on that number,” Becker said.

“What they’re also saying is that they matched the data they had from the states, which was only the public voter file, with no unique identifiers, no personally identifiable information, to some other data source, possibly commercial, and made conclusions about citizenship status on that,” Becker said in a press conference. “There’s no way that anyone can make a confident match on that. There’s too many challenges. There are data entry errors. There’s fuzzy name matching. There’s junior and senior problems. There’s so many problems that it is almost designed to create a huge number of false positives.”

New Jersey Refusing to Share Names

Calling the voting by 400 noncitizens “unacceptable and illegal,” Harmeet Dhillon, a federal assistant attorney general in the Justice Department’s civil rights division, wrote to Sherrill demanding that New Jersey provide prosecutors with the name, address, date of birth and nationalities of the 6,600 noncitizens added to the state voter rolls as well as the names of those who voted (including when and where they voted).

On a podcast, Dhillon said those who voted could face deportation or criminal charges.

Sherrill said she won’t provide the information requested by DOJ.

“We now have certain people that, through no fault of their own, have been registered to vote,” Sherrill said at her July 21 press conference.

“It may imperil their immigration status,” she said. “It may imperil different things. We are working very hard to protect them, but that is the responsibility of the people that worked for the MVC that knew that this was going on and did nothing to remedy it — that’s wrong. It would be really the utmost in hypocrisy for the state to charge them when it’s our fault. However, I would not put it past the federal government. So we are working very hard on ways in which we can protect people here in the state of New Jersey. We are not in the practice of releasing personally identifying information to the federal government right now, given that the Trump administration continues to weaponize it against people.”

When Sherrill sent Dhillon a formal letter indicating that New Jersey would not provide the identifying information requested, Dhillon responded via X, “DOJ will get this information through all legal means!”

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Trump’s Cherry-Picked Inflation Boast

In one month, from May to June, overall inflation in the U.S. dropped at the “fastest rate in more than six years,” as President Donald Trump said in late July remarks. But he has repeatedly cited the statistic while wrongly suggesting that the inflation rate is now “way down” from when he took office. It’s not.

Photo by alvaro gonzalez via Getty Images.

The big one-month drop came after several months of increases in the inflation rate that were largely due to high oil and gasoline prices caused by the war with Iran. When the U.S. and Iran were honoring a ceasefire agreement in June, those energy prices declined, helping to lower the rate of inflation.

“Energy prices are volatile,” Joseph E. Gagnon, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, told us in an email. “Any one-month change needs to be viewed in connection with other recent months, which have shown large increases.”

And the fact that oil and gasoline prices have risen again due to rekindled U.S. fighting with Iran could result in the rate of inflation increasing once again. As of Aug. 5, the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland projected a minimal monthly increase in the inflation rate for July – not another monthly rate decrease.

In addition, the annualized rate of inflation in June still was higher than it was when Trump became president in January 2025.

Trump has referred to the latest official inflation figures multiple times while talking up the American economy in recent speeches and remarks.

“And it was just announced that inflation is dropping at the fastest rate in more than six years,” he said at a campaign-style rally in Michigan on July 27. “We’re dropping it. You know, I inherited this mess.”

On July 23, at the Environmental Protection Agency, he said, “You know, we inherited the worst inflation in the history of America from the Biden administration. And as you know, last week, it was announced that inflation is way down. It’s down more than it’s been in over six years.”

And the day before that, in Georgia, he said, “Inflation is way down. We’re coming way down. And last week, it was announced just last week that inflation dropped by the largest amount in more than six years, because we’re doing it right. We’re running the country properly.”

But some of what he claimed was false or misleading.

The president’s claims followed the release of data published by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics on July 14. After a 0.9% monthly increase in March, a 0.6% increase in April and a 0.5% increase in May, the Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers — on a seasonally adjusted basis — decreased by 0.4% in June, the BLS said.

“This decline in the all items index was the largest 1-month decrease since April 2020 when it fell 0.8 percent,” the bureau noted in a news release about the latest numbers.

So, that portion of what Trump said is accurate. But it’s only part of the story.

The BLS press release also said, “Over the last 12 months, the all items index increased 3.5 percent before seasonal adjustment.” And the 3.5% annualized inflation rate in June, although down from 4.2% year-over-year in May, was still higher than the 3.0% annual rate in January 2025 when Trump took office.

The annual rate reached 9.1% in June 2022 under then-President Joe Biden — which still was not the “worst inflation in the history of America” — but had come down significantly by the time Trump was sworn in. The annual rate was down to 2.4% for the 12 months ending in February, right before the war with Iran began.

On the last day of February, the U.S. and Israel launched airstrikes on Iran, beginning the now monthslong conflict. The U.S.-Israeli attack led to Iran blocking the Strait of Hormuz – a vital waterway in the Middle East for the export of crude oil and other goods – which caused a spike in oil and gasoline prices that contributed to three consecutive increases in the CPI, from March to May.

Oil and gasoline prices then came down when tensions between the warring nations began to ease in late May, leading to the U.S. and Iran signing a temporary agreement in June to suspend the fighting and open the Strait of Hormuz while the countries negotiated a long-term peace deal.

At the beginning of June, the price of West Texas Intermediate crude oil, the U.S. benchmark, was as high as almost $100 a barrel, according to the Energy Information Administration. At the same time, the average U.S. price for regular grade gasoline, which is heavily influenced by oil prices, was about $4.31 per gallon, EIA data show. (Gasoline had climbed to $4.50 a gallon on average in mid-May.) 

But by the end of June, WTI crude was down to roughly $71 a barrel and a gallon of gasoline in the U.S. averaged $3.83. The decline in energy prices was the primary reason for the drop in the inflation rate that Trump praised.

“The index for energy fell 5.7 percent in June after rising 3.9 percent in May, 3.8 percent in April, and 10.9 percent in March,” the BLS said in its most recent CPI report. “The energy index was the largest contributor to the monthly all items decrease, more than offsetting increases in other indexes including those for shelter and food.” 

Energy prices, however, are also the reason that the decline in the month-to-month inflation rate may not last long.

After the U.S. and Iran were not able to complete a peace deal, the attacks between the two countries resumed in July, and Iran said the Strait of Hormuz was again closed. The U.S. then said it would reimpose a blockade on Iran’s own use of the strait.

As a result, oil and gasoline prices have risen. WTI crude was as high as $93 a barrel on July 23 – before dropping to about $86 on July 31, according to the most recent EIA data. Average gasoline prices, meanwhile, were up to about $4.08 for the week ending Aug. 3.

When oil and gasoline prices went up in March, April and May, the inflation rate increased. That could happen again.

“Setting aside the volatility caused by oil and energy prices, underlying inflation is moving right around 3%, so that’s not going to provide material comfort to households or investors,” Joe Brusuelas, chief economist for market consulting firm RSM US, told CNN for a July 30 story. “The improvement in June will be partially or completely reversed by the upward volatility in July.”

Gagnon, the Peterson Institute senior fellow, said energy price volatility is a reason that the Federal Reserve and many economists look to so-called “core” inflation, which measures the change in prices excluding energy and food items.

From May to June, the BLS said there was no change in the price index for all items less food and energy. Year over year, core inflation was 2.6% in June — down from 2.9% in May and the 3.3% Trump inherited in January 2025.

In an Aug. 5 update, the Federal Bank of Cleveland’s inflation “nowcasting” model projected that core inflation increased about 0.2% in July and about 2.5% for the 12 months ending in July.

The July inflation report from the BLS is set to be released Aug. 12.

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